Philippines to Host Nuclear Energy Conference

(Taguig City). As part of its commitment in exploring all alternative energy resources to ensure supply security and stability, the Philippine government will host the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) and International Framework for Nuclear Energy Cooperation (IFNEC) Conference on the prospects of nuclear power in the Asia-Pacific region from 30 August to 1 September 2016 at the Diamond Hotel in Manila.

Spearheaded by the Department of Energy (DOE) as host agency, together with the Department of Foreign Affairs, the Department of Science and Technology through the Philippine Nuclear Research Institute (PNRI) and the National Power Corporation, member-states in the Asia-Pacific region will gather to discuss common issues and challenges related to the introduction of a nuclear power program.

Topics to be tackled in the conference include fostering an international cooperation in nuclear programs, global status and prospects, legal frameworks, atomic waste management, funding and financing, human resource development and capacity building, social communication for public understanding and even environmental considerations.

A total of 18 IAEA member-states will participate in the conference: Bangladesh, Canada, Finland, Indonesia, Japan, Jordan, Kenya, Republic of Korea, Malaysia, Mongolia, Saudi Arabia, South Africa, Sri Lanka, Thailand, the United Arab Emirates, the United States of America, Viet Nam and the Republic of the Philippines.

Local participants invited to attend the conference are representatives from the three branches of the government (i.e., executive, legislative and judiciary), the academe and scientific community, energy sector participants, professional organizations and non-governmental organizations.

The DOE mandate is to ensure a reliable, stable, sustainable, secure and reasonably priced energy.### (DOE MEDIA AFFAIRS GROUP,Department of Energy)



Consumer Rights & Obligations

Consumer Rights and Obligations under the Magna Carta for Residential Electricity Consumers

Basic Rights

  • To have quality, reliable, affordable, safe, and regular supply of electric power;
  • To be accorded courteous, prompt and non-discriminatory service by the electric service provider;
  • To be given a transparent, non discriminatory and reasonable price of electricity consistent with the provision of RA 9136;
  • To be an informed electric consumer and given and given adequate access to information on matters affecting the electric service of the consumer concerned;
  • To be accorded prompt and speedy resolution of complaints by both the distribution utility and/or the ERC;
  • To know and choose the electric service retailer upon implementation of retail competition; and
  • To organize themselves as a consumer organization in the franchise area where they belong and where they are served by the distribution utility or as a network of organizations.

Basic Obligations

  • To observe the terms of his contract including among others things, paying monthly bills promptly and honestly;
  • To allow the faithful and accurate recording of consumption to be reflected in the appropriate device;
  • To allow the utility’s employee/representative entry/access to his premises for the purpose provided for in Article 29 hereof;
  • To take proper care of metering or other equipment that the electric utility has install in the his premises;
  • To inform the distribution utility and/or proper authorities of any theft or pilferage of electricity or any damage caused by any person to the electric meter and equipment appurtenant thereto; and
  • To cooperate with and support program on the wise and efficient use of electricity.

Consumer Rights

  • Right to electric service;
  • Right to a refund of bill deposits;
  • Exemption from payment of meter deposits;
  • Right to an accurate electric watt-hour meter; determination of average error;
  • Right to refund of over-billings;
  • Right to a properly installed meter;
  • Right to a meter testing by electric utility and/or ERC;
  • Right to a prompt investigation of complaints; customer dealings;
  • Right to extension of line and facilities;
  • Right to information; scheduled power interruptions;
  • Right to a transparent billing;
  • Right to a monthly electricity bill;
  • Right to due process prior to disconnection of electric service;
  • Right to a notice prior to disconnection;
  • Right to suspension of disconnection;
  • Right to tender payment at the point of disconnection; deposit representing the differential billing;
  • Right to electric service despite arrearages of previous tenant;
  • Right to reconnection of electric service;
  • Right to witness apprehension;
  • Right to ERC testing of apprehended meter;
  • Right to payment under protest; and
  • Right to file complaints before ERC.

Consumer Obligations

  • Obligation to pay bill deposit;
  • Obligation to allow inspection, installation and removal of electricity apparatus;
  • Obligation to allow the construction of poles, lines and circuits;
  • Obligation to receive monthly bills;
  • Obligation to pay monthly electric bills;
  • Obligation to pay billing adjustments;
  • Obligation not to commit illegal use of electricity; and
  • Obligation to pay differential billing.

DAR to distribute 358 hectares Tadeco-HLI lands

Agrarian Reform Secretary Rafael Mariano today ordered the distribution of 358.22 hectares of prime agricultural lands in Bgy. Belete and CutCut, Tarlac City owned and managed by Tarlac Development Corporation-Hacienda Luisita  of the influential Aquino-Cojuangco family.


TADECO, then owned and/or controlled by the Jose Cojuangco, Sr. Group, bought the sugar estate famously known as the Hacienda Luisita from its Spanish owner Compañía General de Tabacos de Filipinas (Tabacalera). On 23 August 1988, TADECO organized the Hacienda Luisita, Incorporated (HLI) as a spin-off corporation, and then assigned and conveyed its 4,915.75-hectare property to HLI. In the present protest, aside from those properties conveyed to HLI, TADECO is also the registered owner of the properties (subject properties) which were the subject of the NOC caused by the DAR to be published in a newspaper on 17 December 2013.


The Alyansa Ng Manggagawang Bukid Ng Asyenda Luisita (AMBALA), Incorporated, an organization farmworkers in the sugar estate known as Hacienda Luisita, located in Central Luzon filed a petition seeking for the coverage of the subject properties under the CARP. AMBALA members assert their rights over the properties as potential farmer-beneficiaries under the country’s agrarian reform program.


Mariano explained the 358.22 hectares is outside the 4,915 hectares HLI property subjected to CARP by the Supreme Court.


Mariano in effect denied the Protest and Supplemental Protest filed by Tarlac Development Corporation for lack of merit and ordered the said property covered under agrarian reform program.

Mariano also maintained the validity of the publication of Notices of Coverage over the eight (8) parcels of land specifically identified as follows: T-400301; T-231174; T-231166; T-231183; T-231164; T-408282; T-408283; and T-408279, all of which are owned and registered in the name of TADECO;

He directed the DAR Provincial Office of Tarlac to immediately proceed with and complete the land acquisition and distribution process over the subject properties in the light of the provisions of Section 30 of Republic Act No. 9700;


Mariano likewise directed the DAR Regional Office III to do all acts and things necessary, including but not limited to securing assistance from appropriate law enforcement officials, to ensure that Landowner-protestant TADECO and/or any persons acting in its behalf comply with this Order.


He denied all ancillary motions filed by TADECO for lack of merit. (30) (Public Assistance and Media Relations Service, Department of Agrarian Reform)

Shultz and the ‘Hit Men’ Destroyed the Philippines

by Mike Billington

Editor’s Note: This is the third in a series of features on the assault against the Third World by the “Economic Hit Men.” We examine here first the case of the Philippines, and then Mexico.


The U.S.-orchestrated coup which overthrew the government of Philippines’ President Ferdinand Marcos in 1986 was a classic case study of what John Perkins describes in his recent book, Confessions of an Economic Hit Man, as the post-World War II preferred method of imposing colonial control under another name. In the Philippines case, George Shultz per-formed the roles of both the economic hit man, destroying and taking full control of the Philippine economy, and the coup-master, deposing the Philippine President in favor of an IMF puppet—while calling the operation “people’s power.”


Throughout this process, from the late 1970s through the February 1986 coup, and beyond, Lyndon LaRouche and his collaborators were fully engaged in the fight to expose and reverse this subversion and destruction of one of America’s most important allies, by the supranational financial institu-tions which Shultz and his ilk represent. By mobilizing sup-port from patriots of both the United States and the Philip-pines, the LaRouche effort put a spotlight on the crimes of the Shultz cabal, as will be shown below. Although the effort failed to stop the process at that time, the crimes thus exposed in the Philippines can and must serve today as a nemesis to Shultz and his neo-conservative operatives, who are in an endgame in their effort to impose a new fascist order over the planet.


In a Nov. 16 interview on radio station DZAR in Manila, LaRouche described his own view of the special mission of the Philippines nation: “The Philippines has a very important pivotal role, some people would say geopolitically, in the entire region, of trying to bring together on a global scale for the first time, a world system, which is capable of accommodating both the European cultural heritage and Asian cultures. This is the great barrier, the great frontier, of a hopeful future for this planet: to bring together the cultures of Asia—which are different than those of Western Europe generally—with European culture, to get a global culture based on a system of sovereign nation-states, which understands that this unresolved cultural question has to be addressed, with a long-term view, of several generations, of creating an integrated set of sovereign nation-states as the system of the planet. So the Philippines is a very special country, with a unique importance for the people of Asia, in particular, in playing a key role in bringing about this kind of general integration of Asian and European civilizations.”


The lesson of the subversion of the Philippines in the 1980s for today is clear. Shultz is the eminence gris behind the neoconservatives running the Bush Administration, which has brought the world to the current disastrous circumstance. It is also the case that the Philippines, although currently lacking any national leadership comparable to that of Marcos, is nonetheless facing a new coup threat, orchestrated by the same neoconservative circles in Washington who were responsible for the 1986 coup.

Shultz and the ‘Hit Men’

In the early 1980s, the circles around then-Secretary of State George Shultz (left) and his deputy Paul Wolfowitz (right), led a massive propaganda campaign against President Ferdinand Marcos. “His overthrow by the Shultz cabal had nothing to do with the charges issued publicly, but were intended to stop his national development policies, and his international collaboration with LaRouche and others in countering the genocidal policies of the IMF, and bringing into being a new world economic system based on development and justice.”

The popular memory of Ferdinand Marcos today, in the U.S. and in the Philippines, is largely shaped by the massive disinformation campaign created in the early 1980s by the circles around then-Secretary of State Shultz, and his deputy Paul Wolfowitz. Marcos was accused of corruption, human rights violations, plunder, and even the murder of a political opponent, Benigno Aquino—and this caricature is repeated ad nauseam still today. While Marcos was not without faults, he was by far the last Filipino head of state to have understood the challenge of true leadership in a world slipping towards chaos. His overthrow by the Shultz cabal had nothing to do with the charges issued publicly, but were intended to stop his national development policies, and his international collaboration with LaRouche and others in countering the genocidal policies of the IMF, and bringing into being a new world economic system based on development and justice.


Marcos’s True Legacy


Marcos was elected President in 1965, just as the United States launched the disastrous and futile war in Indochina. The fact that the United States used its bases in the Philip-pines, Subic Bay and Clark Airfield in Luzon, as launching pads for the Indochina War, fed a domestic insurgency by the Maoist New People’s Army (NPA). Marcos was then treated as a close friend and ally of the United States. Even when he declared martial law in 1972, with the Indochina War still raging, the Administration of President Richard Nixon raised no objections.


But Marcos was not only concerned about “counterinsurgency” in declaring martial law. When he was elected President in 1965, the Philippines was still essentially a colonial economy, although the United States had granted full independence on July 4, 1946, as had been promised by President Franklin Roosevelt in 1934. Productivity was low in both agriculture and industry: agriculture lagged as the Philippines relied on special access to U.S. food exports, and industry was confined to process industries, rather than the development of basic industries.


Marcos set out immediately to establish Philippine food self-sufficiency in rice and corn. This also required breaking the control of the landed aristocracy left over from the Spanish imperial era. Marcos was the first President of the Philippines who did not rise from this elite class, but was a “commoner” trained as a lawyer.


As President, he focused on basic agricultural infrastructure, especially irrigation, in the major food-producing regions of Luzon and Mindanao. Credit facilities, mechanization, and the introduction of high-yield rice varieties, which needed irrigation, resulted in the elimination of rice imports by 1968.


Land reform, primarily a political problem, remained illusive. However, when Marcos imposed martial law in 1972, among his first acts was a proclamation that the entire nation was to be considered a “land reform area,” and a declaration that all tenants working land devoted primarily to rice and corn were to be the owners of that land, up to a specified limit. Despite the enraged opposition of the oligarchy, the program proved to be extraordinarily successful. Coupled with the infrastructure and mechanization improvements, a quarter of a million peasants became land owners, and grain productivity increased by half.

Shultz and the ‘Hit Men’2

Marcos built the first (and so far, only) nuclear power plant in Southeast Asia, and in 1979 announced a plan for 11 major industrial projects, with the intention of shifting the nation’s industrial economy from consumer goods to basic heavy industry. The IMF attacked these projects as unrealistic, demanding debt payment instead.




Another major step after the declaration of martial law was to contract with Westinghouse for the Bataan Nuclear Power Plant—which was to be the first (and would still be the only) commercial nuclear power plant in Southeast Asia. While nuclear power is clearly the only sane solution to the energy requirements across the region, the sad saga of the Bataan Nuclear Plant symbolizes the pure evil of the policies enforced by the “economic hit men.” As originally contracted, the plant should have cost about $1 billion, and produced 1,200 MW of electricity by 1984. However, after the hysteria generated by the anti-nuclear “Nuclear Club of Wall Street” (see EIR, Dec. 3, 2004) following the 1979 accident at the Three Mile Island Nuclear Plant in Pennsylvania, the Carter Administration imposed retroactive safety regulations which contributed to more than doubling the cost of construction. Then, after the overthrow of Marcos in 1986, one of the first acts of the new Presidency of Corazon Aquino was to moth-ball the fully completed, but never used, Bataan Nuclear Plant. The Philippines has been forced to pay countless billions in debt service, and pays still today over $155,000 per day, for this nuclear facility, without having drawn one watt of electricity from the state-of-the-art facility. Two further nuclear power facilities which were planned to provide 1,880 MW of electricity by 1991, were also scrapped.


Nuclear energy was not the only innovation of the Marcos regime. In 1979 Marcos announced a plan for 11 major industrial projects, with the intention of shifting the focus of the nation’s industrial economy from consumer goods to basic heavy industry. Included in the plan were steel, petrochemical, pulp and paper, a copper smelter, aluminum, phosphate fertilizer, diesel engines, gas and oil, a coconut industry, and the nuclear power program.


The Marcos Administration, during the 1972-81 martial law period, tripled the country’s road network, doubled the electrification of the country’s homes, increased irrigated cropland eight-fold, and achieved rice and corn self-sufficiency.


Minimum daily wage rates tripled, although inflation, driven by international oil price hikes and exploding U.S. interest rates, more than wiped out these wage increases.


Enter the Economic Hit Men


This level of development—especially the capacity to free the nation from dependence on the international oil and raw materials cartels—was not to be tolerated by the international financial institutions. The contrived oil shortages of the 1970s left the Philippines, like all non-oil-producing nations, with huge debts. This was followed by the 20%-plus interest rates imposed by U.S. Federal Reserve Board Chairman Paul Volcker in 1979, which doubled and tripled the debts of most Third World nations within a few years.


In 1981, Marcos lifted martial law. Also in that year, he attended the North-South Summit in Cancun, Mexico, organized by Mexican President Jose´ Lo´pez Portillo (see accompanying article) where he spoke out for a “new world economic order,” and denounced the destructive “conditionalities” imposed by the IMF in exchange for financial assistance in a crisis. Then, in September 1981, Marcos pushed through the Philippine Congress nearly $4 billion worth of priority infrastructure projects, including irrigation, drainage and flood control programs, highways, telecommunications, and airports.


This was answered in 1982 (the year George Shultz be-came Secretary of State) by an IMF report which attacked Marcos’s projects, demanding debt payment instead: “In the Philippines situation, restraint on public investment could be an effective instrument for securing an improvement in the current account deficit.” IMF Director Jacques Delarosie`re lectured that the country had set “unrealistic growth targets,” while the World Bank denounced the Marcos government for supporting national industries.


These “softening up” raids were not adequate to control the Marcos government. Shultz visited Manila in the Summer of 1983, overseeing another 20% devaluation of the Philip-pine peso, thus further increasing the costs of financing the already-illegitimate foreign debt.

Shultz and the ‘Hit Men’3When Marcos was elected President in 1965, the Philippines still had a colonial economy. He moved to establish food self-sufficiency, which brought him into conflict with the landed aristocracy left over from the Spanish imperial era. “Marcos was the first President of the Philippines who did not rise from this elite class, but was a ‘commoner’ trained as a lawyer.” Here, a shantytown in Manila.

The full-scale assault began in the Fall of 1983, with the murder of Benigno Aquino. Aquino, an opposition leader whom Marcos had allowed to leave prison in order to get medical treatment in the United States (despite facing a death sentence for murder and subversion), chose to return to the Philippines in August 1983 after three years in the United States. He was gunned down as he emerged from his plane in Manila.

Shultz and the ‘Hit Men’4

Although the actual conspirators were never officially dis-covered, the assassination was immediately blamed on Mar-cos, and the economic hit men called in the “jackals” (as Perkins called those whose job was to depose or even kill world leaders who resisted the demands of the economic hit men like himself). In the Philippines, Shultz and Wolfowitz doubled as economic hit men and jackals.


As to Aquino’s view of the pending threat to his life, he had been asked by the U.S. magazine Mother Jones in January 1983, while contemplating his return to the Philippines: “What do you think Marcos will do?” Aquino replied: “He will keep me alive, because he knows the moment I die, I am a martyr, like Martin Luther King, and he wouldn’t want that.

Shultz and the ‘Hit Men’5


The Aug. 16, 1985 EIR reported that U.S. Ambassador Bosworth was plotting, with Acting Chief of Staff Lt.-Gen. Fidel Ramos, to overthrow Marcos. “The story was based on information from reliable sources both in the Philippines and in Washington, where certain patriotic layers within the government, intelligence, and the military did not accept America’s transformation into an imperial power. . . .”


Another possibility, he lets me out, and the communists knock me off. They blame Marcos. They have a martyr and they have eliminated a stumbling block.” Aquino also understood the actual cause of the economic disaster striking the Philip-pines: “If you made me President of the Philippines today, my friend, in six months I would be smelling like horseshit. Because there is nothing I can do. I cannot provide employment. I cannot bring prices down.”


Within two months of the assassination, the remaining credit lines to the Philippines were drastically cut, and another 21% devaluation was imposed. The nation was bankrupt. Finally, on Oct. 15, 1983, Marcos was allowed to declare a moratorium on the unpayable debt, but only on condition that the big projects he had backed to modernize the nation be scrapped, while many of the industries supported by the state were turned over to domestic and international vultures (this was done under the guise of accusing the owners of these industries of being corrupt “cronies” of Marcos).


The LaRouche movement, meanwhile, was sponsoring conferences in Bangkok, Thailand, one in October 1983, and another in October 1984, on the subject of the proposal authored by Lyndon LaRouche for “Development of the Pacific and Indian Ocean Basins.” Philippines Deputy Foreign Minister Pacifico Castro attended the 1984 Conference, speaking on “Regional Economic Cooperation and Security,” joined by government and business leaders from across the region. The conferences proposed such “Great Projects” as the Kra Canal in Thailand, and the physical transformation of Asia, as the driving force behind a new world economic order.




The opponents of Marcos were soon being wined and dined in Washington, by both the right wing (Shultz and Wolfowitz) and the left wing (Rep. Stephen Solarz, Sen. Ted Kennedy, and Princeton’s Richard Falk) of the “Project Democracy” apparatus, which performed the subversive tasks assigned by the synarchist banking institutions. Salvador Laurel, the son of the quisling President of the Philippines under the Japanese occupation, headed the opposition after Aquino’s assassination, and in February 1984, visited Washington, where he was greeted by Vice President George H.W. Bush and Secretary of State Shultz. Representative Solarz introduced legislation into the Congress to abdicate the treaty regulating the U.S. bases in the Philippines, cutting the agreed aid to the Philippines by two-thirds. At the same time, a nest of anti-nuclear and anti-development NGOs in the United States took up the cause of overthrowing the “Marcos dictatorship,” including a gathering of anti-nuclear forces in Manila, including Richard Falk and representatives of the West German Green Party. Stephen Bosworth, a close collaborator of Henry Kissinger, was appointed Ambassador to the Philip-pines, and from that position he would subsequently orchestrate the coup against Marcos.


By October 1984, the Philippines was forced to submit to an IMF refinancing package that included an end to price controls on rice and other staples, a float of the peso, unrestricted foreign exchange speculation, import reductions, domestic austerity, and yet another devaluation—making a total of a 63.3% devaluation in one year, nearly doubling the cost of financing the foreign debt. Ironically, the opposition, fully supported and sponsored by the IMF-related institutions, rallied support among the population by denouncing Marcos for “acceding to the oppressive conditions of the IMF.”

 Shultz and the ‘Hit Men’6

Marcos in 1985 greeted Gen. Mercado Jarrin, (ret.), head of Peru’s Institute of Geostrategic and Political Studies, who was part of an EIR/Schiller Institute delegation to discuss a partial moratorium on foreign debt. On Mercado’s left is then-Philippine Foreign Minister Pacifico Castro, who had spoken at a LaRouche movement conference on “Development of the Pacific and Indian Ocean Basins” in 1984.

Throughout 1985, President Ronald Reagan defended the American relationship with the Philippines and with President Marcos, despite the fact that Secretary of State Shultz and Deputy Secretary Wolfowitz openly disagreed with that assessment, instead demanding Marcos’s head. The crisis came to a head in July 1984, when the U.S. Congress adopted the Solarz proposal to rip up the Bases Agreement, not only slashing the financial commitments, but insisting that the remaining aid be distributed not by the Philippine government, but by the Church, which, under Cardinal Jaime Sin, had openly called for insurrection against the government.


By November, the plans for insurrection were unveiled publicly, as the Washington-based Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), the home of Henry Kissinger and Zbigniew Brezezinski, carried out a “war game” against the Philippines, based on a scenario in which President Mar-cos is assassinated, Soviet “spetsnaz” commandos join the New People’s Army in taking over the Philippines, and the U.S. military goes into action to “save” the country.


The CSIS’s work in Asia was largely financed at that time by the C.V. Starr insurance empire, run by Maurice “Hank” Greenberg. Greenberg and C.V. Starr owned most of the insurance industry in the Philippines, and a number of Philip-pine politicians as well, and served as the crucial “on the ground” economic hit man in the Marcos coup.


Marcos continued fighting for the principle of a new world economic order. In November 1985, EIR and the Schiller Institute, the international association directed by Lyndon and Helga LaRouche, invited Gen. Edgardo Mercado Jarrin (ret.), the head of Peru’s Institute of Geostrategic and Political Studies, to tour Asia, promoting the partial moratorium on foreign debt then being implemented by the Peruvian government. In addition to conferences in Thailand and India, General Mercado Jarrin and the EIR/Schiller Institute delegation met with President Marcos in Manila. Marcos told the delegation:

The EIR expose´e forced a public denial by General Ramos and by Ambassador Bosworth. As events proved, the warning was deadly accurate.


Marcos was finally coerced by Washington into calling new elections for February 1986, even though the Constitution mandated elections only in 1987. The opposition, in constant coordination with U.S. Ambassador Bosworth and the Shultz State Department, chose to run Aquino’s widow, Corazon Aquino, as the Presidential candidate, with Laurel for Vice President.


As still seen today in such neoconcontrolled “people’s power revolutions,” such as in Georgia and Ukraine, U.S. intelligence agencies financed and controlled the “citizen” electoral monitor organization, the National Movement for a Free Election (Namfrel), and prepared to declare “vote fraud” if the election did not go the way intended. Paul Wolfowitz in November 1985 told the U.S. Congress that there would be a “complete collapse of political confidence” if the elections were not perceived as “fair”—i.e., if Marcos were not defeated.


Indeed, on election day, the opposition was ahead in the early returns from Manila—which was expected—and Aquino was instructed to declare herself the winner. How-ever, when the rural votes came in, where Marcos was still loved for the development he had brought to the nation, Marcos overtook Aquino and won the election.

Shultz and the ‘Hit Men’7Women and children working in a small, labor intensive UNICEF project to supplement their food supply in 1986, the year after Marcos became President. Instead of this type of project, where people labor like animals, Marcos opted for extensive industrialization and infrastructure projects. Instead of seeing too many people, as did the IMF apologists, he saw unrealized creative potential.

In an astonishing public admission, former U.S. Ambassador to the Philippines William Sullivan (who had also been Ambassador to Iran when the Shah was overthrown by similar means in 1979), told CBS News on Feb. 9, two days after the Philippines election: “The facts as they emerge are becoming increasingly irrelevant, because it’s the perception that pre-vails both in the Philippines and, I think, internationally, that Mrs. Aquino won the election as far as the polling places were concerned, but the government, in the tabulation, changed the vote counts.”


As EIR had warned, General Ramos then led a military revolt against President Marcos, calling for crowds to surround the military base in the center of Manila, to create an image of “people’s power,” while the masses of the population were disenfranchised by the overthrow of their elected President. By the end of February, President Reagan had been convinced by Shultz to give up his defense of President Mar-cos, and endorse the military coup; Marcos and his family were sent to Hawaii.


IMF Carnage


The results of this subversion are still evident today in the decay of the economic and social fabric of the Philippines. Corazon Aquino fulfilled every IMF request, from the closure of the completed nuclear power facility to the deregulation and privatization of much of the economy. It was a surprise to some of Aquino’s supporters, but not to LaRouche, when the pro-IMF members of the Marcos Cabinet were retained in the new government. General Ramos took over directly in the next Presidential election in 1992, selling the nation to the Enrons of the West through corrupt, unequal contract agreements, especially in the energy sector, which left the country in absolute bankruptcy after the speculative assault on the Asian economies in 1997-98. Joseph Estrada, another “commoner,” was elected President in 1998, but was allowed only two years in office before another “economic hit man”-orchestrated coup (again with General Ramos doing the bid-ding for his foreign controllers) brought him down in January 2001.


The current President, Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, has generally done what was demanded of her by the neoconservatives in power in Washington. However, when she pulled the token Philippine military force out of Iraq, and then up-graded the country’s relations with China, she won the ire of her patrons, and is now facing the threat of yet another coup— with General Ramos again the neocons’ man on the scene.


LaRouche, together with his collaborators in the Philip-pines, intends to use this history of the economic hit men, in the Philippines and elsewhere, as a necessary part of the fight to end such criminality forever. As LaRouche concluded in his address to the Nov. 16 radio show quoted above: “I have had a long-standing special attachment to the Philippines, and I am very much concerned for its integrity and sovereignty and well-being today. I would be very happy, and the Philip-pines would make me very happy, by being truly sovereign, successful, growing, and peaceful again today. And you may expect that wherever I am and whatever I am doing, that commitment is very active within me, for very special reasons that I won’t bother going into, on this question of the Philip-pines. I am concerned. The sovereignty of the Philippines and the success of the Philippines as a sovereign Presidential republic is, to me, one of the necessary ingredients of a future for the whole Pacific area of the world.”


Ramtanu Maitra and Gail Billington contributed to the research for this report.


The author can be reached at

Executive Intelligence Review

(Re-posted from Executive Intelligence Review Magazine in United States of America)

December 24, 2004

Lopez eyes enterprise development program for IPs

Environment Secretary Gina Lopez is eyeing the prospect of providing financial support for indigenous peoples (IPs) who wish to set up their own businesses.


Lopez said she plans to establish an enterprise development program for IPs using the resources of the state-owned Natural Resources Development Corp. (NRDC), the corporate arm of the Department of Environment and Natural Resources (DENR).


The new DENR chief said she wants to instill entrepreneurship among IPs and help them improve their lives.


“To my delight, I have found out that one of the GOCCs (government-owned and -controlled corporations) of the DENR is the NRDC,” Lopez said.


She has directed the corporation to draw up the mechanics of a program to provide financial and other forms of assistance to IPs and to set aside the needed funds.


“When I went to Palawan, I found out that the IPs there have abaca, rattan and almaciga. They have so much in their lands, but they do not have the money [to start their own business],” she pointed out.


According to Lopez, the IPs normally seek the help of Chinese traders for business capital. As a result, she said, these traders “use the ancestral rights of the IPs to get their natural resources and money.”


“What if the IPs conduct a joint venture with the NRDC? This means that if they lack the capital or the financial resources, we can give it to them,” Lopez said.


Established in 1982 by virtue of Executive Order No. 786, the NRDC aims to promote investment in natural resources-based industries by providing financial, technical or management support.


“All I need is an approval from the President that the net income there flows back to the community,” Lopez said.


She added: “If that is allowed, which I am almost sure because he is for the people, then the DENR can be great tool for poverty alleviation in areas where there are environmental concerns.”


 Lopez cited the La Mesa Ecopark in Quezon City as an example of an ecological area which earns P40 million a year.


She said there are around 17,000 couples holding their prenuptial photo-shoots in the ecopark. “If we convert all those photo-shoots into income, that’s how much money the community gets.”


“I want to replicate that kind of entrepreneurial venture in all our National Greening Program areas, which means that after we do agroforestry, we go to business, and the money goes to the community,” Lopez said.


“We need to put a spirit of enterprise in all the areas so that the people would benefit.” ### (DENR Strategic Communication and Initiatives Service)

“Sabay Tayo” Song for Ph Olympic Team launched at Kamuning Bakery Cafe

A collaboration between Sponge Cola and Karylle featuring Frank Magalona, with the special participation of UP Tugma, accompanies 12 of the country’s most elite athletes on the #RoadToRio


“Sabay Tayo,” written by Yael Yuzon, Karylle, and Frank Magalona, is the official song of the Philippines at the 2016 Summer Olympics and this song was launched on August 2 at the “Pandesal Forum” of 77-year-old, pugon-style Kamuning Bakery Café in Quezon City. This song accompanies the 12 athletes representing the country at Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. It includes the special participation of UP Tugma from the University of the Philippines College of Music.


“Sabay Tayo” was commissioned by Sports5 through its outsourced agency, Melmac Sports. Karylle, the multi-faceted artist and poet, collaborates with the multi-awarded rock band, Sponge Cola, for the inspiring song. At the Pandesal Forum, Karylle said this song for the Philippine Olympic team rekindles memories of  her great-grandfather actor Carlos Padilla, Sr., an Olympic boxer whocompeted in the 1932 Los Angeles Summer Olympics in the Men’s Welterweight Event.


Frank Magalona, the actor/rapper son of the late Francis Magalona, also lends his lyrical prowess while UP Tugma deepens its patriotic elements with their authentic instrumentation. “Sabay Tayo” highlights the Filipinos’ fighting spirit and sense of bayanihan, in which one Filipino’s achievement of his dream fulfills the entire country’s aspirations.


Supporters of the “Sabay Tayo” song launch at the Pandesal Forum of Kamuning Bakery Café included Chooks-to-Gochicken, Hobe noodles led by its owner & Anvil Business Club president Marcelo Co, San Miguel Corp.,  Zest-O juice & Kamuning Bakery Café.  Kamuning Bakery Café admires Karylle, Yael Yuzon, Sponge Cola band and Frank Magalona, especially due to its long history since 1939 as a place where artists and celebrities buy breads, cakes, dine and drink coffee or chocolate drinks. 


Hundreds of Filipino artists were part of the selection process for the project. Mel Macasaquit, head of Melmac Sports, admits that the collaboration between Sponge Cola, Karylle, and Frank Magalona exceeded expectations. “We’re doing this for the flag,” said Macasaquit, adding, “’Pag inisip mo ang lyrics ni Francis Magalona, I don’t think it can get any more patriotic than that. Napakalaking bagay na nakuha namin si Frank.”


“[Karylle] decided to bring in UP Tugma,” said Sponge Cola lead singer and guitarist, Yael Yuzon, who is also Karylle’s husband. “We wanted to use traditional instruments and really mic them to keep the experience as organic and legit as possible.” This is also the couple’s first musical collaboration.


The Philippines is looking to end a 20-year drought to bring home an Olympic medal. The official delegates on whom this challenge falls are: Jasmine Alkhaldi (swimming), Jessie Lacuna (swimming), Ian Lariba (table tennis), Miguel Tabuena (golf), Marestella Sunang (track and field), Charly Suarez (boxing), Eric Cray (track and field), Hidilyn Diaz (weightlifting), Rogen Ladon (boxing), Nestor Colonia (weightlifting), Kirstie Alora (taekwando), and Mary Joy Tabal (track and field).


“Sabay Tayo” is also the official song of the Philippines Men’s National Basketball Team, Gilas Pilipinas. The song will be included in Sponge Cola’s album, “Sinag Tala,” and Karylle’s album, “A Different Playground.”

Listen to “Sabay Tayo” on Spotify:

Watch the music video on YouTube:

See the making of the video:


Sabay-sabay tayong lalaban
Binubuklod ng ‘sang puso
Wala tayong inuurungan
Tiwala lang, atin ‘to

Sabay-sabay, sabay tayo
Sabay-sabay, sabay tayo

‘Di lang isa
Kung ‘di lahat
Nakaangkas sa ‘yong likod
Mga pangarap nang lahat 

‘Di lang isa
Kung ‘di lahat
Nakaangkas sa ‘yong likod
Mga pangarap nang lahat

‘Di lang isa

Baraha ay binabalasa
Kasama ka sa pag-asa
Ito ang ating tanging pinanghahawakan
Ginto sa langit na hindi mailarawan
Ay ating makakamit pag ang dilim ay mailawan
Ligpitin ng tahimik ang mga haharang sa daanan
Nakatikom ang bibig ‘yan ang estilo ng galawan
Magpakita ng galing na hindi kita sa ibabaw
Sisikat rin muli ang tatlong bituwin at araw

Sabay-sabay tayong lalaban
Nagliliyab sa ‘ting puso
Patak ng pawis at pagsubok
Iaalay sa ‘ting laro

Sabay-sabay, sabay tayo
Sabay-sabay, sabay tayo

‘Di lang isa
Kung ‘di lahat
Nakaangkas sa ‘yong likod
Mga pangarap nang lahat 

‘Di lang isa
Kung ‘di lahat
Nakaangkas sa ‘yong likod
Mga pangarap nang lahat

‘Di lang isa

Paa sa lupa
Mata sa langit
Paalam na sa mga luha
Na ang madasalin
Muling huhupa ang hirap sa pagpatak ng pawis
Sa pagkat walang tamis kung ‘di mag-aambag ng alat
Mag-aklas bumawi ang armas mo’y aklat at lapis
Huwag kang manghula, ang utak ay iyong patalasin
Para maipalago ang isa sa mga pangarap
Ng isinasapusong gilas ng silanganan

‘Di lang isa
Nakaangkas sa ‘yong likod
Mga pangarap nang lahat 

‘Di lang isa
Nakaangkas sa ‘yong likod
Mga pangarap nang lahat

‘Di lang isa


————————————————————————-History & short profile of pugon-style Kamuning Bakery Cafe: Kamuning Bakery was founded in 1939 as Quezon City’s first bakery upon the invitation of pre-war newspaper tycoon Don Alejandro Roces who arranged for sale of government land at 50 centavos per square meter to founders Atty. Leticia “Letty” Bonifacio Javier and her husband Lt. Marcelo Javier (he died fighting the Japanese invaders of World War II in the Battle of Manila). Roces was an ally of President Manuel L. Quezon and a co-founder of the new city.


Kamuning Bakery was acquired and revived in December 2013 by 13-time Catholic Mass Media Awards (CMMA) awardee & 3-time Palanca award-winning writer, history buff and realty entrepreneur Wilson Lee Flores. He restored and re-opened the old cafe on March 20, 2015. KBC today continues its artisanal and “pugon” or wood-fired brick oven baking.

Apart from all kinds of foods like all-day breakfast rice meals, diverse kinds of pasta dishes, fried chicken, sandwiches, salads, cakes, soup, home-made ice cream and others, the restored old cafe serves coffee with high-quality arabica beans from the mountains of Benguet province and also from Brazil. Other drinks served include chocolate, fresh fruit juices, high-quality tea brews, etc..


Artists, intellectuals & reform stalwarts as customers: Among its many colorful clients include Don Alejandro Roces, his son the newspaper publisher & activist Joaquin “Chino” Roces, press freedom stalwart U.P. Dean Armando Malay, the late President Cory C. Aquino, national artists like Nick Joaquin and Levi Celerio, writers, intellectuals, many showbiz celebrities, beauty queens, singers from classical musicians to rock stars, models, rebels to a public school student who used to walk here to buy pugon-baked breads and is now the Philippines’ first female Supreme Court Chief Justice Maria Lourdes Sereno.


The “Pandesal Forum”: The non-partisan, liberal, pro-people and informal Pandesal Forum of Kamuning Bakery Cafe was started on September 15, 2015 by writer Wilson Lee Flores as convenor and moderator. It welcomes all speakers, not just limited to political leaders. It is inspired by the centuries-old tradition of the “tertulia”—the informal and learned salon discussions of the Iberian Peninsula and Latin America; it is also inspired by ancient China’s “li lun” or intellectual discourses. The “Pandesal Forum” hopes to help elevate the quality of public discourse in the Philippines on current affairs, politics and other topics, also focusing on economic, gut or “pandesal” issues. It also advocates genuine reforms and new ideas.


Why Pandesal Forum? KBC owner Wilson Lee Flores said: “Kamuning Bakery Cafe is famous for its pugon-baked pandesal and Pan de Suelo breads. The pandesal is the historic and unique national bread of the Philippines, it is bread eaten by the masses, middle-class and by all. The pandesal is a basic necessity of the people, like rice. The humble pandesal bread represents the people’s simple wish for liberation from hunger. Hot freshly pugon-baked pandesal also represents happiness.”


For inquiries or suggestions for events, press conferences, parties or others, please call Kamuning Bakery Cafe Tels: 4161637, 9292216, 4126628; Office Tels: 4126685, 4112311, 4151692, 3326066… 09228901893 Mela Ubalde… or please contact Wilson Lee Flores 09178481818, 09188077777, 09228321888 or or